I keep coming back to this topic because fuel economy zealots are trashing our constitutional system of separated powers and democratic accountability. Only Congress can make them stop. Leading the counter-offensive is House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), who has been watch-dogging the Obama administration’s fuel economy agenda since 2009.
The Energy Policy Conservation Act (EPCA) delegates the responsibility to prescribe fuel economy standards solely to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA); the Clean Air Act (CAA) provides EPA no authority to regulate fuel economy; and EPCA specifically preempts state laws or regulations “related to” fuel economy. Yet ever since May 2009, when Obama environment czar Carol Browner brokered the so-called Historic Agreement between EPA, auto makers, and the California Air Resources Board (CARB), EPA and CARB have effectively determined the stringency of the fuel economy standards NHTSA prescribes.
How so? EPA and CARB impose greenhouse gas emission standards on auto makers. Carbon dioxide (CO2) constitutes almost 95% of motor vehicle greenhouse gas emissions, and there being no commercial technologies to capture or filter out CO2 emissions, the only way to reduce CO2 emissions per mile is to reduce fuel consumption per mile — that is, increase fuel economy (EPA/NHTSA Tailpipe Rule, pp. 25424, 25327).
So under the Obama administration, instead of one agency regulating fuel economy through one set of rules pursuant to one statute, as Congress intended, three agencies regulate fuel economy through three sets of rules pursuant to three statutes (EPCA, CAA, and California Assembly Bill 1493). EPA is implicitly regulating fuel economy outside the scope of its statutory authority and CARB is implicitly regulating fuel economy in defiance EPCA’s express preemption.
As my colleague David Bier noted earlier this week, Browner negotiated the Historic Agreement in “put nothing in writing, ever” closed-door meetings that flouted Presidential Records Act and Federal Advisory Committee Act transparency provisions. And as I explain in a recent column, auto makers agreed to the ‘triplification’ of fuel economy regulation to escape an even worse regulatory fate — a market-balkanizing fuel-economy patchwork that EPA teed up when, defying EPCA, it authorized California and other states to adopt greenhouse gas emission standards, which are highly “related to” fuel economy.
The Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers once argued forthrightly that EPCA preempts California’s greenhouse gas emission standards. But that was before the Historic Agreement — and before the auto industry bailout and GM and Chrysler evolved into “Government Motors.”
If Congress ever overturns or merely limits EPA and CARB’s power grabs, it will largely be due to Chairman Issa’s unrelenting investigation of the administration’s fuel economy policies and related actions. On Monday, Issa sent a strongly-worded oversight letter to CARB Chairman Mary Nichols.
Issa’s letter faults Nichols for refusing to turn over documents relating to CARB’s role in negotiating model year (MY) 2012-2016 fuel economy standards, for “intentionally misleading” the Committee by erroneously suggesting there is a “single national program” rather than at least two different standards (NHTSA’s and EPA/CARB’s), and for disingenuously denying CARB’s involvement in negotiating fuel economy standards despite the Committee’s possession of evidence that Nichols or her staff met with NHTSA officials on 116 separate occasions.
Issa’s letter also effectively rebuts Nichols’s assertion that CARB’s greenhouse gas emission standards are not “related to” fuel economy and, thus, are not preempted by EPCA. In her response to an earlier letter from Issa, Nichols asserted that regulation of fuel economy and greenhouse gases are “separate and independent” from each other, that the phrase “related to” in the EPCA preemption should be construed narrowly to prohibit states from adopting fuel economy standards, that a broader reading that would prohibit CARB from regulating greenhouse gases is a “legalistic contortion that defies common sense,” and that two district court decisions have “definitively rejected” such notions. Issa responds as follows (footnotes omitted):
I would respectfully suggest that CARB’s view of its regulatory authority of greenhouse gases not only overstates its legal certainty in this area and conflicts with the facts at issue here, but is itself a “legalistic contortion that defies common sense.” As you know, CARB has required automobile manufacturers to drop all litigation challenging CARB’s actions on the basis of the EPCA preemption indefinitely as a condition for CARB’s agreement to adhere to EPA’s greenhouse emission standards [thereby averting the market-balkanizing patchwork]. By insisting on this condition, CARB has deprived automobile manufacturers of the full protection of law. Insofar as CARB’s legal authority rests on two non-precedential decisions and CARB has obstructed further development of the law, CARB should not in good faith boldly proclaim the definitiveness of its legal authority.
Moreover, the facts here suggest that the overlap between greenhouse gas regulations and fuel economy regulations is so great that they are nearly indistinguishable. As you are aware, 95 percent of the reductions in greenhouse gases obtained through EPA’s greenhouse gas standards, which CARB has accepted as an adequate substitute for its own standard, are obtained through reductions in carbon dioxide. Fuel economy and carbon dioxide emissions are so closely related that tests for fuel economy are performed by measuring carbon dioxide emissions. Accordingly, the same control technology used to increase fuel economy is used to decrease 95 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions from vehicles. Nitrous oxide and methane emissions comprise less than one percent of total greenhouse gas emissions, and hydroflourocarbons, a refrigerant used in air conditioners, makes up the remainder of emissions. In fact, the relationship between greenhouse gas emissions and fuel economy is so close that in California’s commitment letter for MY 2012-2016, California agreed to allow manufacturers “to use data generated by [corporate average fuel economy] test procedures . . . to demonstrate compliance.” In light of these facts, your response that the regulation of fuel economy and greenhouse gases are not related lacks completeness and candor. These facts suggest that CARB — whether intentionally or not — is indeed regulating fuel economy.
In addition to these facts, in your own response to the Committee, you boast about the fuel savings that would result from CARB’s regulatory activities, stating: “Under this program, the U.S. will reduce its consumption of oil by 12 billion barrels . . .” The reduction in fuel consumption is not an accidental or indirect benefit of CARB’s regulatory activities. It is the expected outcome that results from increased fuel economy standards. Accordingly, it is abundantly clear that CARB’s regulation of greenhouse gases is “related to” the regulation of fuel economy within the meaning of EPCA. CARB cannot escape this conclusion simply by calling its fuel economy regulations by another name.
And if that is not enough to persuade you, dear reader, take a gander at CARB official Michael Kenny’s deposition in Central Valley Chrysler-Plymouth v. CARB, one of the two cases Mary Nichols cited as having “definitively rejected” the proposition that greenhouse gas emission standards are “related to” fuel economy standards: