William Yeatman

Given that Kyoto is not enforceable on its own terms (Article 18), those who argue that we must ratify it because “everyone is doing it” must face the difficult fact that, actually, they aren’t doing it. Europe hasn’t had to pay for its broken promises and shifting emissions-reduction targets. The U.S. is the only nation whose courts could have forced the government to meet the terms of the treaty. That threat surfaced thanks to an earlier decision by the Court — which caused great distress to conservatives — under which treaties were considered not merely on a par with domestic laws, but superior to them in cases where the two conflict. Under Medellin, it now seems feasible that the U.S. could ratify Kyoto and, if lawmakers lacked the political will to adopt implementing legislation, green pressure groups could not sue their way to compliance.

One might argue: if two-thirds of the Senate were to approve a Kyoto-type treaty, that would demonstrate the political will to actually impose the restrictions that such a treaty calls for. I suggest that these steps remain quite different animals: the first involves feel-good press releases announcing bold action to join an international consensus for the sake of our children and grandchildren; the second — the implementing legislation — involves pesky Congressional Budget Office public estimates of the extraordinary costs.

Remember, Congress has had the option of imposing Kyoto-type legislation sans treaty for a decade — and certainly for the past 14 months while a Democratic majority has held the reins. When they were in the minority, Democrats bayed incessantly about how hearings were an irresponsible delay tactic and waste of time and that we must act now! Their present-day muttering about test-votes and gestures in anticipation of next year speak for themselves.

Apologists claim that fear of a Bush veto is the reason for Congressional Democrats’ inaction on climate-change legislation — an argument I’ve answered here; their real fear is advertising the costs of their preferred climate action.

In sum, Medellin offers no threat and possibly some succor for us anti-Kyoto types.

Tuesday’s New York Times ran an op-ed by sociology professor Monica Prasad, "On Carbon, Tax and Don’t Spend," which singled out Denmark as a model for how the U.S. should proceed on carbon-dioxide regulation. I have watched Denmark’s policies with particular interest — since marrying a Dane, and now having two little half-Danes here and a host of family there — and have been a regular visitor to that country.

Denmark’s domestic press hangs its head quite a bit over the fact that the proudly “green” country (home to the European Environment Agency) is among Europe’s biggest Kyoto violators — a failure facilitated by the absurd promise made by Socialist minister Sven Aukend to match whatever reductions Germany promised (-21% below 1990, averaged over 2008-2012), despite the fact that Denmark did not have the luxury of shutting down filthy Jutland industrial capacity as Germany did, post-reunification.

Therefore certain of the piece’s claims struck me as a bit of a surprise — for example: “The one country in which carbon taxes have led to a large decrease in emissions is Denmark"; and “Denmark accomplished this while posting a remarkably strong economic record and without relying on nuclear power.”

Something smelled a little rotten in this cheerleading, as I know full well that the Danes benefit from Swedish nuclear power, despite also regularly banging on about how the Swedes need to shut down the reactor just across the Straight. Then again, who are we to begrudge them such hypocrisy, with California being so bossy while relying on atoms smashed and coal burned in other states?

So I turned to the World Nuclear Association. Suddenly the bloom falls off the morally superior rose.

"The 7.64 billion kWh [NB: that equals > 16% of how much electricity DK produces on its own, domestically] imported from Sweden in 2005 is almost half nuclear and half hydro, the power (5 billion kWh in 2003, 0.6 billion kWh in 2005) imported from Germany is largely generated by brown coal and nuclear power (Germany itself imports 15 to 20 billion kWh/yr from France, which is 80% nuclear)…

Conclusion:

Nuclear power provides an essential part of Denmark's electricity…Using 2005 data, with production of 36.3 TWh, consumption of 34 TWh, exports of 12.9 and imports of 10.4 from Germany and 0.7 from Sweden, it would seem that 3 TWh used is nuclear, about 9% of total."

So much for not relying on nuclear. The U.S. also relies on nuclear, for about twice Denmark's percentage of its electricity. But we also have not (yet) embraced Denmark’s windmill boondoggle, that after hundreds of millions of dollars leaves them “selling” wind to the Swedes for about 0 cents per Kwh.

What about this notion that a carbon tax caused Denmark’s emissions to drop? I turned to the European Environment Agency for a little straight talk — something you won’t hear me say very often. According to Denmark’s submission to the EEA, Denmark's main emissions-reduction strategy is to import electricity rather than create it.

About its "Past emissions: Denmark’s GHG emissions were 6.3 % below those of 2004 and 7.8 % below base-year levels in 2005. The main factor for decreasing emissions with regard to 2004 was a decrease of fossil fuel combustion in electricity and heat production partly due to higher electricity imports."

About their projected 2010 emission total of 20.6 MMT: "*The Danish Energy Authority estimates that approximately 5.0 of the 20.6 million tones CO2 annually will be offset by increased electricity exports based on the calculation assumptions of the climate strategy."

Ms. Prasad’s claim is false: a carbon tax didn't cause the Danes’ emissions to drop; almost the entire reduction came in one year and as a result of importing electricity, i.e., paying someone else to emit CO2.

It also turns out that the carbon tax Ms. Prasad praises is just one of five taxes cited in the seven "measures" Denmark cites: mineral oil tax, gas tax, coal tax, electricity tax, CO2 tax, (the sixth being Emissions Trading Schemea tax; and the seventh, the wealth transfer of buying JI and CDM credits). These come on top of a vehicle-registration tax touted as a GHG-reduction scheme that doubles the price of cars — the joke in Denmark is that it's a good thing that they don't have all the cars they've paid for; not to mention another GHG tax on HFCs, a weight- and volume-packaging tax, and a waste tax, among the other measures.

Meanwhile, of course, the European Parliament and Commission are busy trying to find ways to impose EU-wide taxation to install a “Kyoto tax” on top of all the other taxes that have, as we know, failed to reduce EU member-state emissions.

In truth, cap-and-trade means cap, trade and tax. Answering the NYT's false claims only confirms that.

 

Unilateral sanctions against major polluters by countries applying stricter environmental standards would create serious political problems, the chief U.N. climate scientist warned Wednesday.

Earlier this March, CEI began a nation-wide advertising campaign to warn Americans that Al Gore’s climate policies would lead to global energy poverty. In order to remind us all that there are billions for whom reliable energy is not a given, the advertisement included footage of an Haitian villagers erupting in cheers upon the installation of their first street light.

That footage came from the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, a trade group that represents Rural Economic Coops, which are small utilities created during the New Deal to bring electricity to sparsely populated areas. By making the footage available on You Tube, NRECA was trying to demonstrate to the public the benefits of energy, which is the same point that CEI was trying to make in the Al Gore advertisement.

So we’re on the same team, right?

Wrong. The Association claims copyright infringement over the seven seconds of footage and a “takedown” notice by the association led to the ad being yanked off YouTube over the weekend (CEI has since put the ad on its own website).

Which begs the question: why would NRECA want to censor CEI?

The answer: NRECA would do anything to avoid losing its government privileges.

Rural electric coops depend on taxpayer money for their existence. The 2007 Energy Security and Independence Act included $6.5 billion in guaranteed, low cost loans to rural coops. Naturally, NRECA is loathe to rock the boat and upset the status quo; otherwise, it might ruffle feathers and risk the continuation of government handouts.

 

Is there something missing here?

Gallup has released its regular poll of the most important issues facing Americans. Can you spot what isn't there?

This actually provides a great metric for the success of the Alliance for Climate Protection's consciousness-raising campaign. If global warming tops the list after the campaign, the Martin Agency will have been worth their $100 million. If it hits 10 percent and/or beats "fuel/oil prices," it will have been a qualified success. If it's still around 1 percent, hmmm.

Me, I'm willing to bet a tenner that the environment category won't get about the 5 percent it recorded in February last year.

USA Today has a piece setting forth how everyone agrees with Al Gore’s agenda, it just takes $100 million to jog your memory.

 

The admissions about how to use children are of course self-affirming for many of us who have experienced it with our own youngsters, and/or written (and, in fact, I have a whole chapter in a new book dedicated to this abuse). More amusing is the complaint by the people behind this, like Gore, who are upset that only a small group are changing their behavior. Which group doesn’t include the people behind this, like Gore.

It's time to lay the ghost of the idea that it is the global warming skeptics who are "well-funded" compared with the alarmists pushing for government policies and intervention. What better proof is needed than the fact that the alarmists have high-priced Washington law firms on retainer? As Tim Carney relates in his DC Examiner column this week:

Julian Robertson, the legendary hedge fund manager, has placed a big bet on the long-term decline of the U.S. economy. Additionally, Robertson is invested in the nuclear energy industry and in Chinese biofuels. He’s also launched an aggressive lobbying campaign to pass federal legislation instituting mandatory caps on greenhouse gas emissions…

As a case in point, unless you spend time going through federal lobbying records, you probably haven’t heard of Robertson’s big push for cap-and-trade laws. Robertson has hired top lobbying firm Akin Gump to advance such restrictions on Capitol Hill, in the public and in policy arenas. Akin Gump even runs a global warming blog now called “Climate Intel.”

Akin Gump lobbyists doing Robertson’s bidding on Capitol Hill include former Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman and former Reps. Bill Paxon, R-N.Y., and Vic Fazio, D-Calif. What’s Robertson’s angle? Environmental publication Greenwire described Robertson as a “former hedge fund tycoon and now a philanthropist.” Robertson indeed closed down his most famous fund, Tiger Management, earlier this decade, but is still a big investor. Getting richer — not merely philanthropy — motivates these investments.

Add to that the fact that Al Gore's Alliance for Climate Protection is spending $100m on one ad campaign (as opposed to poor old CEI's ad campaign, which cost a paltry $30k) and you have some indication of just where the money is now. And let's not forget that the single-issue Natural Resources Defense Council is almost twice the size of the Heritage Foundation.

Tim also points out that Robertson is making a bet on the US economy going under, just as George Soros did (and won big!) when he bet heavily on the failure of the UK's involvement in the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. As Ivan Osorio asks, "Where's the outrage?"

 

Ted Nordhaus has posted an analysis, “The ‘Serious Business’ of Kyoto: EU to ‘overshoot’ its emissions reductions targets? Read between the lines”. In it he rightly takes the EU to task for overselling its Kyoto GHG emissions reduction activities, which overselling is exported here in an effort to get the U.S. to leap aboard the sinking policy ship of carbon cap-and-trade. In short, Nordhaus brings to the fore the reality that the EU’s claims to leadership and success on the GHG reduction front come with footnotes that stand little if any chance of being more than assumptions that proved embarrassing in hindsight.

This particular 2007 report to which he refers, incorporating emissions through 2005, is risible for its spin. For example, they somehow lowered their projection of future emissions from the year before, after emissions turned upward, strongly in 2006 (because of a good economic year). The European Environment Agency (EEA) was aware of this but won’t officially report it, as a bloc, until June 2008, so told a whopper.

So, we all know the EU isn’t a straight shooter on the issue, but some people in relevant positions work quite hard to ignore this. As such, Nordhaus’s post is useful because he realizes the EU is all smoke and mirrors, and coming from him or a similar “breakthrough” type is the only way, it seems, for the greens and policymakers to see that things are not as they are sold and in fact are going badly wrong (to the extent they don’t actually know this, that is).

But there is more smoke and more mirrors than Nordhaus indicates. He focuses on the EU’s projected “reduction” by 2012 of 11% below 1990 GHG emission levels, describing it as oversold for two principal reasons: political decisions unrelated to Kyoto (UK “dash for gas” and shuttering East German industry post-reunification, accounting for most of the promised “reduction), and a cocktail of implausible overperformance by states, policies, and Kyoto programs. This analysis is factually correct and derives from the EEA’ own express assumptions.

While Nordhaus gets the gist of Europe’s fudging, paper shuffling and exaggerated optimism, any analysis must recognize that performance to date informs us that emissions will be nowhere presumed levels, and why that is so. His focus on the EU’s projection with no apparent reference to actual performance grants the projection more credit, if admittedly arguendo, than it deserves under any reasonable scrutiny even by the EEA’s own telling. The EU says that if it just coasted from today, its existing measures “will” yield an average reduction over 2008-12 of 4% below 1990. A host of implausible “ifs” – the products of some of which, such as ETS reductions, are also styled as things that “will” occur – would bring them to the touted über-performance.

But the 4% figure that “will” occur regardless is of course patent nonsense given the EU’s admitted (if, again, not advertised) emissions increases in two out of every three years since Kyoto was agreed in 1997 leaving them, as of a year ago, at best  at or about 1990 emission levels, with emissions rising. (Note: this report to which Nordhaus refers claims that emissions as of 2005 were -2% below 1990 levels; I have demonstrated that this is the product of serially changing their 1990 baseline years after the fact, favorably and, regardless that this will prove no longer true when 2006 figures are finally released by Brussels, barring more funny business with their numbers).

Reading between Nordhaus’s own lines, how the EU may actually be doing as opposed to simply how they are doing it does seem to have struck him as something to wonder about in the back of his mind if not look into. He does say things like “The reality is that EU policies have, to date, accomplished little by way of actual emissions reductions,” but unless one conjures up imagined emissions avoided, there is just no way for this to be anything other than far too indulgent of EU spin: emissions aren’t down, economy-wide or among ETS-covered sectors. Since Kyoto was agreed and these policies started piling up in Europe, emissions are rising steadily. The ETS did not change this and in fact proved an embarrassment. Dimas even admitted that he could identify no emissions reduction for which the ETS could claim credit.

Had Nordhaus looked at how the EU’s promise compares to performance, specifically, as opposed to vaguely guessing that it likely isn’t all that hot, he would have seen the so-called reduction that he accepts arguendo is actually to date no such thing, with CO2 emissions particularly egregious (in the face of EU rhetoric), at about 5% over 1990 levels through 2006 (this will be updated and formalized by EEA in June, but sufficient member state data is out now to support this assessment). The EEA assume — as they long actually projected — that this is the year they will wrench their trajectory from upward-ticking to a starkly downward one. That, then, would presumably get them down, over the course of‘08-‘12, to some point below 1990, from which the cited administrative agenda items will clean up the difference and even over-performance. In truth EEA’s own performance figures reveal that the EU will buy at minimium the entirety of their “reduction” over Kyoto’s 5-year period. A strict reading of various Kyoto provisions, for example involving ”supplementarity”, reveals that this should be problematic.

One key data point not necessary for my conclusion but certainly underscoring it is the revelation that the UK’s claimed reduction to date of 12% below 1990 levels (with emissions rising, btw) was off by, oh, about 12%.

 But again it is material to note precisely how outrageous the EEA’s projected reduction of up to 11% below 1990 levels is, which is best done by noting where emissions are now and where they quite obviously are going: remember, for a decade the EEA has been telling us that this is the year that emissions will turn downward. For a decade they have proven wildly unreliable. There is no reason in the record to believe that the claims in the report Nordhaus reviewed are any different. In short, this analysis isn’t factually wrong, but with the appropriate context could be more right.

Today, the Wall Street Journal reports that the global bio-fuel boom, by increasing the global supply of transportation fuel almost 300,000 barrels a day, has decreased the price of gasoline by 15%.

That's well and good, but no account of biofuels in complete without an acknowledgement of their  nasty side effects, including: rising food prices, environmental degredation, and depletion of our aquifers.

In fact, there's a better way. As noted by my colleague Iain Murray, we could up conventional production by 800000 barrels per day by drilling in ANWR without the associated costs of biofuels.

·        The Washington legislature this week sent H. B. 2815, the Climate Action and Green Jobs Act, to Governor Chris Gregoire, whose signature is guaranteed because she requested the law. Like similar legislation passed in California and New Jersey, the Climate Action and Green Jobs Act establishes legally binding emissions targets, but does not specify how those targets are to be reached, and instead gives regulatory agencies the responsibility to formulate a plan.

·        A bill to slash Maryland’s carbon emissions as a way to address global warming was delayed Wednesday by senators who feared the bill could hike energy prices and put factories out of business.

·        In Kansas, a confrontation is likely between the Legislature and Governor Kathleen Sebelius, who is indicating she intends to veto a bill that would allow the expansion of coal power. The Legislature passed the bill after the Sebelieus administration blocked the construction of 2 coal power plants because of their impact on climate change.