Instead of exercising its “judgment,” as required by Sec. 202 of the Clean Air Act, to determine whether greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions endanger public health and welfare, EPA largely deferred to the judgment of an external agency not subject to U.S. data quality and freedom of information laws — the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

The IPCC developed three lines of evidence for its conclusion that GHG emissions are causing dangerous global warming. The first is based on the IPCC’s understanding of the physics of the climate system. The second is the claim that recent decades are unusually warm compared to previous centuries during the current interglacial period known as the Holocene. The third line of evidence is the asserted agreement between observations and computer model simulations.

Peabody Energy’s 240-page petition for reconsideration assesses these lines of evidence in light of new information not in EPA’s possession when it drafted the endangerment finding. Much of this new information is contained in the thousands of emails and other files that produced the Climategate scandal. The files and emails provide an insider’s look at the professional (or unprofessional) behavior of leading climate scientists at the UK’s Climate Research Unit and their colleagues in the United States. This scandal has led to the resignation (allegedly temporary) of Dr. Phil Jones as director of the CRU and an official determination that the CRU violated the UK’s freedom of information act

Peabody concludes that the Climategate files undermine each of the IPCC’s principal lines of evidence, and confirm what many climate “skeptics” had long suspected:

The CRU information reveals that many of the principal scientists who authored key chapters of the IPCC scientific assessments were driven by a policy agenda that caused them to cross the line from neutral science to advocacy. Indeed, they went far beyond even what is acceptable as advocacy, as they actively suppressed information that was contrary to the “nice, tidy story” that they wished to present, they refused to disclose underlying data concerning the studies in which they were involved to third parties who might use the information to critique those studies, they engaged in a wide variety of improper and indeed unethical tactics to manipulate the type of scientific information that appeared both in the IPCC reports and in the peer-reviewed scientific journals upon which the IPCC largely relied, and they relied on inaccurate and unverified information from secondary source material that was included anyway to advance the authors’ advocacy agenda. Moreover, the Information Commissioner’s Office of the United Kingdom (“U.K.”), the agency that oversees and enforces the U.K.’s freedom of information laws, after investigation, recently concluded that CRU broke those laws in refusing to respond to information requests.

EPA’s only reasonable course of action, Peabody argues, is to reopen the endangerment proceeding:

EPA has effectively delegated its judgment under section 202(a) of the CAA to an international body that acted contrary to basic U.S. standards of information quality, integrity and transparency. In the interests of good science and policy, and as required by law, EPA must now reconsider its Endangerment Finding in light of the CRU revelations. The importance of low-cost, reliable energy to the economy is too high for EPA to begin regulation based on such an uncertain foundation.

Duke Energy advises its customers to prepare for the ravages of global warming.

Duke Energy advises its customers to prepare for the ravages of global warming.

While Duke Energy’s Chairman, CEO, and President, James Rogers, spends millions of dollars of his customers’ money lobbying for cap-and-trade on Capitol Hill, the company’s web page for its South Carolina customers is passing along tips on how to handle cold weather.  Shouldn’t Duke Energy be warning its customers how much more they are going to have to pay to Duke Energy in higher electric rates if Congress passes the cap-and-trade legislation that Duke Energy supports?

In recent weeks I have penned four columns debunking the smear campaign against Sen. Lisa Murkowski’s (R-AK) Congressional Review Act (CRA) resolution of disapproval to stop EPA from dealing itself into a position to make climate and energy policy for the nation — a power Congress never delegated to EPA when it enacted the Clean Air Act.

Climate Politics: When Will the Sanctimony End? (MasterResource.Org, Mar. 2) debunks the calumny that the Murkowski resolution is “polluter-crafted,” and shows that this pejorative accurately applies to the Waxman-Markey cap-and-trade bill — legislation that many Murkowski detractors such as Climate Progress and MoveOn.org enthusiastically support.

MoveOn’s Triple Whopper (Pajamas Media, Feb. 10) shows that MoveOn.org’s TV ad campaign against the Murkowski resolution piles falsehood on top of falsehood on top of falsehood. MoveOn claims the Murkowski resolution would “roll back” the Clean Air Act (it wouldn’t), making it harder for EPA to clean the air (it wouldn’t). We should all be in a panic , MoveOn suggests, because “many Americans smoke the equivalent of a pack a day just from breathing the air.” An outrageous falsehood. According to peer-reviewed scientific research, smoking just one cigarette a day delivers anywhere from 12 to 27 times the daily dose of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) that non-smokers inhale in cities with the highest PM2.5 levels.

The aforementioned piece and two others — Resolution Would Protect the Economy (National Journal, Jan. 27) and Move Afoot in the Senate to Can EPA CO2 Regs (Pajamas Media, Jan. 23) – clarify what the Murkowski resolution is and isn’t.

Contrary to Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and other critics, the resolution is not a referendum on EPA’s science. Rather, it is a referendum on the constitutional propriety of unelected bureaucrats, courts, and eco-litigation groups setting climate and energy policy for the nation. The resolution is not an attempt to veto the scientific content of EPA’s endangerment finding. Rather, it would veto the finding’s legal force and effect.

Thus, there is no valid analogy, as Sen. Boxer claims, between the Murkowski resolution and Congress vetoing the Surgeon General’s finding that cigaratte smoking causes cancer. The Surgeon General’s finding was simply that — an assessment of the scientific literature. It did not even presume to offer policy recommendations, much less trigger a host of new regulations Congress never approved, as EPA’s endangerment finding will do if allowed to stand.

The Obama Administration warns that the Murkowski resolution would thrust the distressed U.S. auto industry into regulatory limbo, because the endangerment finding is the trigger for the combined greenhouse gas/fuel economy standards rulemaking scheduled to go into effect later this month or early April.

The National Auto Dealers Association (NADA) respectfully disagrees. In this letter, released today, NADA argues the Murkowski resolution would benefit the auto industry because there would be one less redundant yet potentially conflicting standard (EPA’s) regulating fuel economy and GHG emissions from new motor vehicles.

I’ll have more to say about NADA’s analysis in a later post.

Richard Morrison, Jeremy Lott and Brooke Oberwetter unite to bring you Episode 82 of the LibertyWeek podcast. In addition to our other stories, we cover Christopher Booker’s recent column on how Climategate has produced a perfect storm for the IPCC (segment begins ~10:20 in).

[youtube:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KKubO8T-1zg 285 234]

The Wyoming House and Senate have passed the nation’s first tax on wind energy and sent the bill to Governor Dave Freudenthal.  The Democratic Governor proposed the new tax to the Republican-dominated legislature last month and so is almost certain to sign the bill into law.

The new excise tax of one dollar per megawatt hour will begin in 2012 and will apply  to windmills that have been generating electricity for three years or more.  Revenues are to be split 60-40 between counties and the State.

Amusingly, Denise Bode, CEO of the American Wind Energy Association, complained about the proposed tax on the grounds that it would discourage wind power production:  “It is very disturbing to hear that one of the great States for resources wants to tax the industry and discourage the development of jobs in their State.”  She did not mention that Wyoming already taxes oil, natural gas, and coal production, which is why it doesn’t levy a personal income tax.  Nor did she mention that wind power receives huge subsidies from federal taxpayers.  The Department of Energy’s Energy Information Agency estimated in 2008 that wind receives $23.37 in federal subsidies per megawatt hour.  So Wyoming has quite a ways to go before it captures the entire federal subsidy.

It will be interesting to watch how quickly other States follow Wyoming’s example.

It’s not clear what Al Gore has been doing the past three months since the Climategate scientific fraud scandal broke–perhaps doing a bit of interplanetary travel or hanging out in a remote cave discussing how to de-industrialize America with his fellow global warming alarmist, Osama bin Laden.  No matter, Gore has returned to his global warming crusade with an op-ed in the Sunday New York Times.  And what an op-ed!   “We can’t wish away climate change” is 1896 words, or about three times the length of most op-eds.  Unfortunately, the leader of the forces of darkness hasn’t learned a thing during his mysterious sabbatical.

Gore begins by claiming that “it would be an enormous relief” if global warming turned out not to be a crisis.  This is undoubtedly true for most people, but Gore can’t resist piling on: “I, for one, genuinely wish that the climate crisis were an illusion.”  Oh, really?  Can anyone believe that the man who has remade himself from a losing presidential candidate into the savior of the planet wants it all to go away?  And who stands to make hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars from investments in green technology if energy-rationing policies are enacted?  Would he give back his Oscar and his Nobel Peace Prize?

Gore then summarizes Climategate as “the discovery of at least two mistakes in the thousands of pages of careful scientific work over the last 22 years by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.”  Yes, at least two mistakes.  One that he doesn’t mention is the systematic manipulation of data in order to make the 1930s and ’40s appear cooler and the 1990s and 2000s warmer in the surface temperature record.  Another is the conspiracy to cover up the Medieval Warm Period with the infamous hockey-stick graph.  Nor does Gore mention that Professor Phil Jones, the central figure in Climategate, conceded in a recent interview that there has been no statistically significant global warming since 1995.

For Gore, the scientific case for alarmism is exactly as it was before Climategate, except that it’s “clearer and clearer” that things are actually worse than scientists thought.  This is a refrain Gore trots out every few months, and it is  the main reason he continues to lose credibility.

From misrepresenting the science Gore moves on to describe the political obstacles to global energy rationing.  He correctly summarizes the obstacles as formidable, but can’t resist telling another tall tale.  He claims that China “had privately signaled last year that if the United States passed meaningful legislation, it would join in serious efforts to produce an effective treaty” in Copenhagen.  But when the Senate failed to pass cap-and-trade, “the Chinese balked.”  This “private signal” is sheer fantasy.  The Chinese government have made it clear in the most direct, undiplomatic language at every international global warming pow-wow for years that they will not commit to mandatory emissions reductions.

Gore concludes with a long, incoherent rant about why he and his fellow doomsters have so far failed.  It all started with the fall of Communism.  This allowed “market fundamentalists” to convince ignorant voters that, “Laws and regulations interfering with the operations of the market carried a faint odor of the discredited statist adversary we had just defeated.”

So what is to be done?  Here Gore becomes totally unglued.  “…[W]hat is at stake is our ability to use the rule of law as an instrument of human redemption.”  The point about a regime of laws in particular and politics in general is that they cannot be instruments of human redemption.  Gore’s global salvationism (to use English economist David Henderson’s insightful term) is not far removed from the totalitarianism of Communism and National Socialism, as he makes clear in his 1992 book, Earth in the Balance.

And where does Gore put his hopes for human redemption?  Hilariously, Gore is counting on Senators John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-SC), and Joseph Lieberman (I-Conn.), who may release a draft energy-rationing bill this week that Gore hopes “will place a true cap on carbon emissions.”

This shows that Gore can still get a laugh now and then, but he’s become another illustration of the old adage that even the best vaudeville acts eventually wear out.  It’s time for Al Gore to hang up the soft shoes and shuffle off the stage.

Announcements

The Science and Public Policy Institute (SPPI) this week released a paper by Dr. Edward Long, “Contiguous U. S. Temperature Trends Using NCDC Raw and Adjusted Data for One-Per-State Rural/Urban,” examining the surface temperature data adjustments by U.S. Government-funded scientists.

In the News

U.S. Climate Data Compromised
Joseph Abrams, FoxNews.com, 26 February 2010

British Blogger Finds Errors in Met Temperature Record
Paola Totaro, Sydney Morning Herald, 26 February 2010

Easy, Cheap Green Energy? Just the Reverse!
Kenneth Green, MasterResource.org, 26 February 2010

Push to Oversimplify on Climate Panel
Jeffrey Ball & Keith Johnson, Wall Street Journal, 26 February 2010

Climate Change Data Will Face Independent Scrutiny
Nicholas Kralev, Washington Times, 25 February 2010

Al Gore’s 9 Lies
Investor’s Business Daily
editorial, 24 February 2010

World Cools toward Warmists

Paul Chesser, Washington Times, 24 February 2010
Climate Change and Open ScienceWall Street Journal
editorial, 23 February 2010

Move-On Is Way-off on Landrieu
William Yeatman, Alexandria Town Talk, 20 February 2010

News You Can Use

Poll: Alarmism in Decline

The Center for Climate Change Communication at George Mason University released a poll this week showing that the percentage of Americans “alarmed” by climate change has decreased from 18% to 10% from 2008 to 2010, while the percentage of Americans “dismissive” of climate change has increased from 7% to 16%.

As incredible as it may sound, Science Daily reports that Maxwell Boykoff, a professor at the University of Colorado, told the American Association for the Advancement of Science that the growing skepticism is due to the mainstream media’s use of “non-credible” sources on climate change stories. Mr. Boykoff might be right, albeit unwittingly. The more Americans hear from nonscientist alarmists like Al Gore, the more skeptical they become.

Inside the Beltway

Myron Ebell

EPW Hearing on EPA Budget

There were several appropriations hearings on Capitol Hill this week. Most notable was EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson’s appearance before the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee on Tuesday. Senator James Inhofe (R-Okla.) began his opening statement by releasing a report prepared by the committee’s minority staff on the Climategate scientific fraud scandal. It’s an outstanding report, which I highly recommend; but before you download it, be warned that it’s over eighty pages and the summary is thirty. The report makes an overwhelming argument that the scientific case for alarmism is based largely on hokum. In particular, the broader revelations in the scandal seriously undermine the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s assessment reports. They are clearly documents manipulated for political ends (which is what we’ve been pointing out for years).

Senator Inhofe and other committee Republicans asked Jackson repeatedly about the reliance of the EPA on the IPCC reports for making the finding that greenhouse gas emissions endanger public health and welfare. Her answers were inadequate and, to my mind, misleading.

Senator Bernie Sanders, the independent socialist from Vermont (who caucuses with the Democrats), was his usual charming and buffoonish self. He said that people who were still in denial about global warming reminded him of all the people in the 1930s who refused to see the threat posed by Hitler and the Nazis. He didn’t mention that Nazi is short for National Socialist Party or that the people who were most deeply in denial were communists, socialists, and other Soviet sympathizers on the left after the Hitler-Stalin Pact. That treaty allowed Hitler to turn all his attention to the Western front and to defeating Britain.

Powerful House Members Move To Block Endangerment

Representatives Ike Skelton (D-Mo.), Collin Peterson (D-Minn.), and Jo Ann Emerson (R-Mo.) introduced a resolution of disapproval of the EPA’s endangerment finding on 25th February.  H. J. Res. 76 is significant because Skelton is Chairman of the Armed Services Committee and Peterson is Chairman of the Agriculture Committee and are thus in the House Democratic leadership.  Senator Lisa Murkowski’s resolution of disapproval, S. J. Res 16, is still awaiting a vote on the Senate floor.  Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) cannot prevent a vote on it, and it requires only a simple majority to pass.  In the House, resolutions brought under the Congressional Review Act are not privileged and therefore Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) can block a floor vote.

Around the World

China: “No Intention” of Cutting Emissions

Su Wei, China’s chief negotiator for international climate change policy, told the China Daily this week that China “could not, and should not” set a target for greenhouse gas emissions reductions. China is the world’s number one emitter.

Climate Bill Too Expensive Even for Socialists in Hungary

The ruling Socialist Party in Hungary this week decided to shelve major climate legislation requiring greenhouse gas emissions reductions of 80% by 2050. According to Euractiv, the Hungarian Parliament’s economics committee chair, socialist György Podolák, told reporters that the bill was killed because it would weaken Hungarian industries, encourage plants to relocate outside the country and increase unemployment.

The Cooler Heads Digest is the weekly e-mail publication of the Cooler Heads Coalition. For the latest news and commentary check out the Coalition’s website, www.globalwarming.org.

I am posting Benchmarking US Air Emissions (2006), a joint report by Ceres, NRDC, and PSEG, because it apparently is no longer available on the Internet, and it contains research relevant to the climate policy debate. For example, many of the nation’s biggest CO2 emitters (e.g. American Electric Power) are also leading advocates of cap-and-trade. Does this make Waxman-Markey a “polluter-crafted” bill, and recipients of AEP campaign contributions “polluter-funded” politicians? Yes, if you apply green “logic” without fear or favor.

In today’s Financial Times, noted trade economist Jagdish Bhagwati strays again into the climate change debate – and he doesn’t apply his usually sharp analysis of some unintended consequences of his proposed government actions.

Bhagwati rightly rejects the Copenhagen approach to restricting carbon emissions, but then offers the World Trade Organization model to control both “stock” – previous emissions – and “flow” – ongoing ones.  He sees the WTO’s challenge and dispute settlement mechanism as a way to hold countries “feet to the fire” and force them to live up to their commitments.  In the WTO, when a dispute is settled against a country, the WTO mandates that the country within a reasonable period of time has to change its laws or policies to conform to its agreed-to obligations.  If no action is taken, the country that brought the complaint may take retaliatory action.

Just imagine the can of worms this would open up in the carbon emissions area.  Would the dispute-settlement body have the right to dictate how the offending country’s laws and policies should be changed?  Suppose a country wants to lower the competitiveness of a rival by constricting its energy use, wouldn’t bringing up a dispute be a logical way to go? And in what areas could a country retaliate? Could it get a wedge in the international trade area through border tariffs – instituting carbon taxes against the offending country?

Perhaps the most puzzling proposal in Bhagwati’s article is his recommendation to follow the Superfund model by introducing tort liability for past carbon emissions.

“The US in addressing domestic pollution created the superfund after the Love Canal incident, where a successful tort action was filed against Pacific Gas & Electric in 1996 for leaking toxic chromium into the ground water. Under the superfund legislation, hazardous waste has to be eliminated by the offending company. This tort liability is also “strict”, such that it exists even if the material discharged was not known at the time to be hazardous (as carbon emissions were until recently). In addition, the people hurt can make their own tort claims.

Rejecting this legal tradition in US domestic pollution, Todd Stern, the principal US negotiator, refused to concede any liability for past emissions. This stand is even more astonishing given that Barack Obama, the US president, belongs to a party that thrives on contributions from tort lawyers.

Evidently, the US needs to reverse this stand. Each of the rich countries needs to accept a tort liability which can be pro rata to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change-estimated share of historic world carbon emissions.”

Perhaps Bhagwati isn’t that familiar with Superfund’s notorious history in arbitrarily finding anyone remotely connected with a declared site to be financially responsible for its cleanup. As CEI’s Angela Logomasini has written:

The federal Superfund law (also known as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act, or CERCLA) is allegedly designed to hold parties responsible for polluting property. Instead, the law arbitrarily holds anyone remotely connected to a contaminated site liable for cleanup. Responsible parties include waste generators (anyone who produced waste that eventually contaminated property), arrangers for transport of waste, waste transporters (anyone who simply transports wastes for legal disposal), operators (those who manage waste landfills), and property owners (anyone who owns the land). Under the law’s strict joint and several liability scheme, each party can be held liable for 100 percent of the cleanup costs. Liability also is retroactive, applying to situations that occurred long before Congress passed the law. Accordingly, parties ranging from small businesses, schools, and churches to large manufacturing plants have been held accountable for sites that were contaminated decades before Superfund became law.

Also, see what CEI adjunct fellow Jim DeLong had said:

The continuing possibility of Superfund liability makes it a leper from the standpoint of investors. The post-remediation liability threat is so great that no one will touch a site even though it is declared clean. Congress made every individual Superfund site into a tarbaby, exposing anyone with any connection to it to liability for all cleanup costs. No “potentially responsible party” (PRP) can defend on the grounds that it acted legally and responsibly. This regime gives PRPs strong incentives to engage in costly litigation, delaying cleanups and wasting financial resources.

Jagdish Bhagwati is rightly recognized as one of the most astute trade economists and has staunchly defended the importance of multilateral open trade without tying it to environmental and labor mandates.  His climate change proposals, however, may open the door to just that.