A new twist has emerged in the desperate scramble to achieve some sort of agreement among the EU-25 (2 EU countries are exempt from Kyoto) as to who must actually engage in what emission reductions to meet their collective post-2012 promise of -20% below 1990 GHG emission levels.

According to the Guardian, it seems the UK wants to redefine what sort of credit it gets for what its companies do under Kyoto’s “flexible mechanisms” – or FlexMex such as Clean Development Mechanism and Joint Implementation, under which credit is obtained for “clean” projects in other countries. The UK green groups are beside themselves, which tends to be their default stance anyway.

This move would be revolutionary because these illusory “reductions” – if, let’s face it, no more illusory than the extant pan-European claim of “reducing emissions” by paying China to slow down HFC production that it ramped up simply for that purpose – are now not counted toward an EU country’s (domestic) renewable energy promise. That’s what the UK wants to change, thereby reducing what it actually must do domestically to comply with the grandiose EU promises.

 

All of which is simply another way of reminding policymakers of the games people play when entering such arrangements as Kyoto or the EU’s own scheme. These rackets scream out for gaming by well-heeled constituencies which often include nation-states. In this particular case, it pits rent-seeking constituencies in the UK – “clean coal” vs. wind power being the example highlighted by the Guardian – against each other as to whose case the country will plead at the EU level.

Congress is considering several climate bills, all of which include cap and trade schemes along the lines of McCain's American jobs killing proposal. If the Arizona senator wants to be a true maverick, he should buck the trend that he helped start — by supporting free market solutions to global warming that might actually make a difference.

France and Germany are close to resolving their dispute over EU auto emissions targets that could see a softening of the proposed regulations, a German newspaper report said on Monday.

Meeting in Bangkok, Thailand, through Friday, negotiators aim to lay out a detailed negotiating timetable for a draft pact they can submit for approval in Copenhagen, Denmark, in December 2009. And unlike talks that led to the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, which applied only to developed countries, these talks must set some type of binding greenhouse-gas emissions objectives for developing countries as well.

It will cost every household in the UK at least £2,000 to comply with the new European Union target of producing 15 per cent of all energy from renewable sources by 2020, according to a report commissioned by the government.

Climate Hysteria Hits Europeans Hard

Jim Rogers looked a bit uncomfortable sitting on a stage in Brussels, amid a small gaggle of climate-change activists.

Rogers is chairman of Duke Energy, a utility that provides power to customers in five Southern and Midwestern states. And by Rogers' own admission, "of all the companies in the United States, we are the third-largest emitter of CO{-2}" – adding with a chuckle, "I say that not to brag."

  • In Kansas, the fate of two proposed coal fired power plants is still up in the air as lawmakers in both chambers of the state legislature count votes to determine whether they have a veto-proof margin to override Governor Kathleen Sebelius’s decision to ban coal power.
  • Governors from around the country will meet in Connecticut next month to review state programs to combat global climate change and develop a strategy for future action.

EPA Administrator Stephen L. Johnson this week told Congress how EPA would respond to the Supreme Court’s decision last April in Massachusetts  v EPA.  The Court over-ruled EPA’s decision that it lacked authority to regulate CO2 emissions under the Clean Air Act (CAA) and ordered the agency to consider whether and how carbon dioxide emissions from new vehicles should be regulated under the CAA.

In letters to Senators Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) and James Inhofe (R-Okla.) and Representatives John Dingell (D-Mich.) and Joe Barton (R-Tex.), Johnson explained that EPA would make an Advance Notice of Proposed Rule-making (ANPR), which would open the whole issue to public comment.

Johnson explained that regulating CO2 emissions from autos under the CAA raised so many complex issues within the workings of the Act that careful consideration was necessary.  As Johnson wrote in his letter: “Such an approach makes sense because, as the Act is structured, any regulation of greenhouse gases—even from mobile sources—could automatically result in other regulations applying to stationary sources and extend to small sources, including many not previously regulated under the CAA.”

This is to say that Johnson and EPA have recognized that ruling that CO2 emissions endanger public health and welfare would almost certainly create a regulatory nightmare.  Therefore, they are going to solicit expert opinion. 

Johnson said that the ANPR would be issued this spring.  Then after reviewing the comments received, the EPA Administrator can make a decision.  That decision will almost certainly be made in the next administration.

In his latest column, former CEI Warren Brookes Fellow Tim Carney looks at how rent-seeking opportunities based on  feel-good environmental campaigns, which are currently in vogue among some large corporations, can backfire, hurting shareholders, in this case those of Pepsi.

“Last spring, PepsiCo bought “renewable energy certificates” covering all the energy consumed in its manufacturing, distribution and corporate facilities. In effect, Pepsi is indirectly paying someone, anywhere, to generate electricity from windmills or solar panels.

But Pepsi is not just changing it’s behavior — it’s trying to use government to change everyone else’s too. Last May, PepsiCo joined the United States Climate Action Partnership, a coalition of environmental pressure groups and corporations united to lobby the federal government to impose regulations that curb greenhouse gas emissions in the form of a “cap-and-trade” scheme….

PepsiCo may think it can make a profit from these restrictions: The firm can seek CO2 credits for the renewable energy certificates it has bought; also the company outsources its bottling, including some to other countries that have no greenhouse restrictions. At the same time, new CEO Indra Nooyi is hoping the public image of Pepsi as an environmentally friendly company will generate good will and thus business.

But Pepsi is learning that the environmental game — both on its PR front and its lobbying front — is full of pitfalls. Pepsi has firmly come down in support of the notion that industrial activity contributes to harmful climate change — the very argument that lies behind the current crusade against bottled water products.

Pressure groups have started anti-bottled-water campaigns, and the mayor of San Francisco has prohibited city employees from buying bottled water. The top-selling brand of water in the United States — and thus the chief target — is Pepsi’s Aquafina.

The regulatory front is more treacherous. Any cap-and-trade legislation will be complex and nuanced, with the details determining who gets rich and who suffers, meaning he who has the best lobbying team usually wins.”

Pepsi may have plenty of resources to hire good lobbyists, but so do other large corporate players in the Washington rent-seeking game, so even getting into this game can be said to create unnecessary risks for shareholders.

 

Scientists and officials from across the world meet in Thailand this week for the first formal talks in the long process of drawing up a replacement for the Kyoto climate change pact by the end of 2009.